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Campbell and Vitullo argue that contemporary research focuses on the way in which online and offline communities are seen as a continuum (2016: 84; see also Horst & Miller 2012; Postill & Pink 2012).
Farwell also discusses how (Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham) ‘has employed Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram to influence adversaries, friends and journalists alike’ (2014: 50).
These kinds of studies have been followed by scholarly work on the role of social media in political Islam and the recent uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa (Castells 2012; Herrera & Lotfy 2012; Karolak 2016; Mellor & Rinnawi 2016; Miladi 2016).
To date, no scholarly work has focused on Instagram and how images on Instagram are produced and used by Muslim youth in the domain of and Instagram – a service and platform which was globally launched in October 2010 and is one of the most popular mobile photo-sharing, video-sharing, and social-networking platforms in the world today (see also Beta 2014: 385; Goor 2012: 3-4).
In the 1990s, the internet was introduced in Indonesia (Hill & Sen 2005: 10), followed by the proliferation of new communication technologies, particularly smartphones, and diverse social media platforms (see Barendregt 2009), resulting in the rise of Muslim youth involved in (female preachers) who do not have strong roots in Islamic boarding school or Islamic studies traditions.
In the past, the mediation of religious knowledge was performed and ‘monopolized’ by graduates of traditional Islamic boarding schools and Islamic universities.
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It analyzes how religious messages uploaded on Instagram through posts and captions have a significant effect on the way in which Indonesian Muslim youth understand their religion and accentuate their (pious) identities and life goals.